Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia <p align="left"><img src="http://pjia.com.pk/public/site/images/admin/title-issue-8.jpg" alt="" width="338" height="235" align="right" /> Pakistan Journal of International Affairs (PJIA) is peer-reviewed journal that publishes original contributions in the field of International Relations. Articles reporting empirical studies and theoretical analyses from a range of perspectives and all aspects of international affairs are welcome. The journal particularly welcomes papers that focus to sensitize and provide direction for policy and practice that arise from theoretical and empirical work. PJIA welcome articles that aim to identify news areas for research and develop critique and reflection in world politics, states affairs, international laws, Islamic laws, global social and ethical behavour and global economics issues.</p> <p>The Journal is presently recognized by the Higher Education Commission (HEC) of Pakistan in "Y" Category.</p> en-US <p><a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" rel="license"><img src="https://i.creativecommons.org/l/by/4.0/88x31.png" alt="Creative Commons License" /></a> This work is licensed under a <a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" rel="license">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License</a>. The journal allows readers to freely read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of its articles and to use them for any other lawful purpose.</p> shahabhashmi2012@gmail.com (Dr. Syed Shahabuddin) maro_of@yahoo.com (Dr. Maroof Bin Rauf) Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 OJS 3.3.0.4 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 The Influence of International Public Opinion on Pak-Afghan Border Management https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/139 <p>This research paper examines the influence of International Public Opinion on Pakistan-Afghanistan border management. Though Durand Line is a recognized border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, but its management has been a source of contention between the two neighboring countries. The long porous border between Pakistan and Afghanistan remained threat to Pakistan’s security. In 2016, Pakistan started fencing work on its border with Afghanistan which was indeed a significant step towards border management. During the last two decades, relationships between Pakistan and Afghanistan reached their lowest level due to a number of clashes along Pak-Afghan border. The traditional media along with new media technologies has increased the scope of International Public Opinion or World Opinion as well as its influence on international events. The paper explores the leverage and impacts of International Public Opinion on border management between Pakistan and Afghanistan and highlight the significance of positive International Opinion on this border management. This paper highlights reports of global organizations, international media, role of social media, and state policies and their efforts in resolving Pak-Afghan border management issues.</p> JIANG Sheng , Dr. Allauddin kakar , Ghulam Dastagir Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/139 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 The Tripolar Great Game in the IOR Competition, Cooperation or Acute Confrontation https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/140 <p>The domination of the seas has remained a prerequisite for acquisition of power in inter-state relations. The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has long been considered a backwater to major power rivalry and global geopolitics. Despite being the smallest of the world’s oceans, the commercial and economic importance of Indian Ocean is never being questioned. IOR hosts major sea routes connecting four continents, Asia, Africa, Europe, and America, and has gained significant geostrategic importance because of rising Chinese naval power and a refocus on sea lanes as an arena of both competition and cooperation. It facilitates maritime trade in the region, transports more than half of the world's seaborne oil and hosts twenty-three of the world's top 100 container ports. However, it is often seen through a highly securitized lens. Three major powers which account for nearly half of global economy in the Indian Ocean arena, India, China, and United States, are vying for influence. China’s large and growing economic investment is reshaping the region, forcing both US and India to adapt. It has the maritime silk road which is half of the Belt and Road Initiative. United States reacted to it with the Indo-Pacific and Asia-Pivot strategy, and India through its Look-East policy. Pakistan, being one of the major trade corridors in IOR, possesses the golden chair. The paper is an attempt to investigate the tripolar great game amongst Beijing, Washington and New Delhi and examines whether the thrust is regional cooperation, competition, or acute confrontation. (Baqai, 2021, February 12) The parallel themes of twenty-first century regionalism and a crisscross of geopolitics and geoeconomics will also be factored in.</p> Dr. Huma Baqai Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/140 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 Resource Curse and Political & Economic Transition in Central Asia https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/141 <p>The role of rich hydrocarbon resources in the political &amp; economic development of the Central Asian states has raised a lot of interest among scholars of international relations and Political Economy. The unsuccessful transition towards the capitalist economy and democratic political system have included them in the category of states affected by the resource curse. The prime purpose of this study is to examine the Resource Curse theory in the context of the Central Asia region to comprehend its impacts on the economic and political transition of the region. The study argues that ever since the region gained independence in 1991, the rich natural resource endowment of the region could not produce any substantial transformation in the political and economic landscape of the region. Despite their GDP and per capita growth, Politics and economy are completely divergent domains. Economic development, democratization, and nation-building are still detached spheres in Central Asia. A highly centralized political and economic system along with a predatory system of financial regulations and vested interests and heavy dependence on natural resource export instead of taxes reinforce the argument. The theory of resource curse provides a suitable theoretical tool to analyze the impotence of resource-rich states to establish a strong democratic base.</p> Dr. Uzma Siraj , Dr. Faisal Javaid Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/141 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 SOCIO-POLITICAL CHALLENGES OF 21ST CENTURYAND CULTURAL BARRIERS OF PAKISTANI SOCIETY https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/142 <p>Pakistan is among the poor and over populated countries having abundance of natural resources and geographical prominence. It also has a multi-cultural society that comprises of different sub-cultures. After more than seven decades of independence, it has not been able to establish a coherent and composed social system yet, tangled with fragmented, mobile and materialistic society. Pakistan’s economy is primarily based on agriculture, gradually progressing towards industrialization and urbanization. The urban modes of living have also been widespread across the country. Traditional culture has been over saturated but the new one is struggling to takeover, therefore ideological divisions and moral uncertainty penetrates through the roots of its foundation. Pakistani society is divided and diverse, poor but in a process of transition. Therefore, the study aims to identify and examine the motives of uncertain and assorted elements of Pakistani culture which cause hurdles in the process of development and prosperity of the nation.</p> Dr. Masroor Khanum , Dr. Rani Erum Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/142 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 Idiosyncrasy in Foreign Policy Decision Making Situational: Analysis of Trump and Biden Approaches towards South Asia https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/143 <p>This paper explores the leadership phenomenon in making foreign policy and in the decision-making process that how does it affect other states. By using leadership theories and idiosyncratic factors which include perceptions of leaders, historical experiences, and ideological orientations all affect the US foreign policy along with it the dynamic geopolitical environment also matters in this regard. The study further argues that how the high-risk situations involve the leader in eliminating obstacles, for example, post 9/11 terrorism climax, Modi recent moves in the region and Trump reaction towards them and as an Asian power what strategies he adopted vis-à-vis Pakistan. In such expected worrisome times this article furthermore highlights the comparative courage, and overview of their approaches that might help in understanding the authoritarian and paternal styles, traits of leadership as an individual.</p> Dr Muhammad Umer Hayat , Alina Zaid Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/143 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 Comparative Analysis of Political Paradigms in the eras of Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/144 <p>Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin were those Soviet leaders who wanted to establish a progressive society and liberal economic development, unlike the Stalinist system that prevailed in USSR for decades. However, Gorbachev was still deeply communist but Yeltsin wanted to replace the communist system with democratic and capitalist ideals. This study also highlights the dynamics which restricts both the leaders in fulfilling their goals. It also put a critique on their leadership style while considering the volatile nature of Russian society at home and agitations abroad. Both of these leaders failed in their aspirations due to the deep-rooted conservative social structure. The article also discusses the impact of the policies and leadership styles of the two on Russian society and politics. The research concluded that the period of Gorbachev and Yeltsin was just an episode in Russian history which did not bring any fruitful development. The succeeding years after Yeltsin somehow continued the same policies as were before Gorbachev.</p> Dr. Zobi Fatima , Sumbul Yousuf , Hiba Zehra Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/144 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 GENDER PARITY AND WOMEN EMPOWERMENT IN EUROPE EFFORTS OF EUROPEAN UNION https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/145 <p>This paper analyses the character of the European Union in the development of gender equivalence and the empowerment of women. It includes the place of gender in EU development policy (EUDP), and core reasons that placing it in such a momentous policy of the most important continent of the world. The study covers legal situation of gender equality and mainstreaming in EU policies but it has more focus on EEC and national policies of member nations for two basic reasons. Foremost, the transformation in the domain of gender uniformity based in core strategies of EU countries to effect only than it has acquire legal and executing powers. Secondly, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which are part of Agenda 2030, are general and hence implement on all EU nations.</p> Dr. Rani Erum , Prof. Dr Sayeda Daud Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/145 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 American Relations with Kazakhstan during 2001-2012: An Analytical Study https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/146 <p>The rise of Central Asian states got special attention from world powers due to their potential energy resources and strategic importance. Among the regional states, Kazakhstan is playing a vital role in worldwide politics because of its geopolitical position and richness in oil and gas assets. It is the leading landlocked state in the world and regionally the most developed nation. When the United States announced “War on Terror” after the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre, all the Central Asian states strictly condemned those attacks and then became significant for American regional politics, since their borders attached to Afghanistan. Kazakhstan welcomed the US stance and showed cooperation with the U.S. against its War on Terror. Since 1991, U.S. and Kazakhstan collaborated with each other in several fields, especially for the removal of nuclear arms. This research paper analyzes American relations and policies with Kazakhstan in the domain of politics, economics, and security. The study was based on qualitative method. It finds that American relations with Kazakhstan are focused on the promotion of a democratic form of government, policies regarding oil and gas pipelines and weakening the Kazakh dependence on Russia.</p> Dr. Faisal Javaid , Dr. Shahnawaz Muhammad Khan , Dr. Uzma Siraj Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/146 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 The Role of Small Powers in Great Power Politics: A Case Study of Pakistan https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/165 <p>The role of small powers in competition between great powers is crucial. To achieve worldwide strategic goals and increase their political and military might great powers form alliances and exploit smaller states for their strategic objectives. On the other hand, small states enter in alliance with great powers to receive military aid and secure its strategic goals. In this context, this research paper explains role of Pakistan in great power competition. Pakistan is a significant geostrategic location and has been central to this competition. Historically, Pakistan was US ally during cold war era and remained part of its subsequent defense organizations. Besides, Pakistan remained pivotal in helping US to achieve her strategic goals during Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The Indian factor and apprehension of communist threats compelled the country to enter US alliance and to receive defense support. Currently, the growing US-China strategic competition has pushed Pakistan towards a difficult position. The benefits received from Chinese side through CPEC are way more than the US has ever given to Pakistan. Though Pakistan has clarified to be neutral</p> Dr. Allauddin Kakar, Azeem Khalid, Soomro Shabbir Ahmed Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/165 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 From Extremism to Terrorism: Threat Implications of Saffron Terrorism for South Asia https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/166 <p>The Indian Sub-Continent had two majority religions practiced known as Islam and Hindu, for this the two major ethnicities (Muslims and Hindu’s) got independence in the year 1947. The Muslim state that was formed is known as Pakistan and the Hindu state that was formed is called India. Mahatma Gandhi declared that India would be a secular state where all religions will be allowed to practice. However, Rashtriya Swamyamsevak Sangh (RSS) was formed in the year 1925 where the main aim of the party was to have one identity known as Hindu and followed the ideology of Hindutva, It was impossible as India had many different ethnicities in the state, for this the party formed its political (Bhartiya Janata Party) and social wings (Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal and Shiv Sena etc). Since 2001 Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) came in power in Gujrat under Narendra Modi the social wing (VHP) started to target Muslim Mosques and even used communal violence as a tool to exploit Muslims due to which Gujrat was known as an Experimental lab where Muslims were targeted economic and socially. The brutality didn’t stop as Bhartiya Janata party under Narendra Modi used religion to gain votes and in 2014. However, the extremist ideology became an organized terrorism when Narendra Modi was elected as a Prime Minister of India since then under the ideology of Hindutva. Hindutva is not restricted to India only it has started to become a huge threat for different states in South Asian</p> Dr. Qudsia Akram, Ms. Arusha Siddique Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/166 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000 INDIAN POLITICO-RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM AND KASHMIR: A STUDY OF MODI’s INDIA https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/167 <p>Individual or group identities based upon religion are able to cause political activation affecting cogency of governments and their policies. Imprint of religion on state’s politics affect the secularity of any federation and thus has the capacity of impact the existing political complexities and conflicts rooted in religious and political identities. The rationale of this research paper is to analyze if Indian oscillatory political behaviour fits neatly into the theoretical framework of Johan Galtung’s Conflict Triangle. The research paper seeks to (i) analyze radicalization of Indian society on the basis of Hindutva, (ii) validates that Indian politics transitioned from secularity to extremism under Modi’s Hindutva Nationalism and (iii) Indian political radicalization has worsened the already precarious situation of Kashmir Conflict. The paper in light of given framework fills the existing niche that Indian political extremism has transformed a relatively non-conflictual situation into a fully brewed conflict.</p> Arslan Bin Shahid, Dr Lubna Sunawar Copyright (c) 2021 Pakistan Journal of International Affairs https://pjia.com.pk/index.php/pjia/article/view/167 Wed, 30 Jun 2021 00:00:00 +0000